Essay on authoritarianism


In addition, cultural and ethnic ties can also be found in these countries such as the prevalent use of standard Arabic amongst the Arab majority of both populations. Rentier income appears to allow states to establish their legitimacy in certain ways.

Venezuela 's Contemporary Policy Model

For instance, Dirk J. Similarly, John P.


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What Vandewalle and Entelis aim to elucidate is that for these countries, rentier income is the means of procuring stability. Conversely, Libya has experienced considerable instability in spite of its oil wealth. We can therefore ask, why Libya has had such experiences whereas Saudi Arabia has not? We can therefore draw the conclusion that both of these countries attempted to maintain stability by means of rent. The Saudi Arabian monarchy did not appear to experience any considerable challenge during the Arab Spring but the same cannot be said for Libya. The protests resulted in the defeat of the loyalist forces and Muammar Gaddafi was eventually captured and killed.

This contrast indicates that oil wealth cannot be perceived as a single factor that leads to regime stability. This is simply because a causal link between the two cannot always be found, just as in the comparison of Libya and Saudi Arabia. I argue that the answer lies in differences between their regime characteristics and their state capacity. In agreement with this view, Axel Hadenius and Jan Teorell assert that specific forms of authoritarian regimes are important indicators for regime stability. Saudi Arabian and Libyan regimes are dissimilar in a number of ways. For instance, the monarchy was overthrown by a military coup led by Gaddafi in , and the regime was then established as a republic.

The comparison between these two regimes shows that when there is a lack of substantial confrontation directed to the government agents themselves or to the ways in which the governmental mechanisms function, the regime tends to remain stable, as being the case in Saudi Arabia.

The dissimilar natures of these regimes contributes, to a certain extent, to their state capacity. It is necessary to recall that state capacity is a multidimensional concept, which is often difficult to measure. It might, therefore, seem complicated to draw a direct link between state capacity and stability. However, some of the aspects of state capacity are prominent when comparing the regimes in Libya and Saudi Arabia.

Hence, if we look at the contrasting role of international relations in the Saudi Arabian and Libyan cases, we can argue that the latter lacked considerably strong state capacity that the former has enjoyed, which eventually caused stability for the former and chaos for the latter. Considering all the factors that I have outlined in this essay, I conclude that although oil-wealth is significant in part, it is not enough per se to explain authoritarian regime stability; the characteristics of such regimes and the capacity of such states are also crucial.

Anderson, Lisa. Cipriani, Paul. Cook, Steven A. Entelis, John P.

DisLife , a Russian NGO, mixes lobbying in parliament, guerrilla advertising and political alliances to push for equal access for people with disabilities. What can be done on the issue of handicapped people certainly could not happen on an issue such as the role of Putin in the apartment bombings. All the journalists, lawyers or prosecutors who tried to investigate were murdered 8. To be politically active in an authoritarian regime means to know where the red lines are. A red line is an issue that cannot be tackled without provoking the ire of the regime, which can lead to professional trouble a tax probe, for instance , arrest or murder.

Of course, such red lines are never written out ; one must pay attention to the signals sent by the government. Of course, red lines exist in countries we think of as democracies. He was about to indict politicians in the CDU donations scandal In Argentina, Alberto Nisman is another prosecutor who crossed a red line: he was found dead in his apartment in He had just drafted the arrest warrant for the ruling president The existence of red lines in themselves do not make a democracy an authoritarian regime.

In affairs above, even if no senior politician went to jail, power changed hands shortly after. What really matters is where the red lines are. Democracy has finally lost all hope at making a comeback when discussing who shall exercise power becomes a red line. For this to happen, the ruling government must offer an undisputed leader and have gained enough control to discourage potential candidates.

Russia, Belarus and Turkey offer examples where the undisputed leader preexisted the takeover of democratic institutions. However, the South African precedent shows that the undisputed leader can just be the head of the ruling party and consolidate his or her power after democratic institutions have been compromised.

The situation in the European Union of is similar to the South African example. Many of the steps leading to durable authoritarianism have already been taken: The widespread acceptance that human rights and checks-and-balances are not the most adapted form of governance, the vague criminal legislation that let prosecutors go after anyone remember that the British police arrested journalists under terrorism charges and that the French put environment activists under house arrest 12 , a wide online censorship apparatus is in place in most countries and many institutional counterweights to the executive voluntary stepped back so that governments could fight terrorism more effectively.

The only brick lacking are undisputed leaders. Any politician with authoritarian tendencies that can build momentum to win an election could seal the lid on democratic institutions. He or she would just have to equate criticism of the government with praising terrorism and let the police and the judiciary do the rest. I wrote on the topic in a previous essay, Eastern Europe.

The report lives here. In the United Kingdom, prime minister then home secretary Theresa May called for withdrawing from the European Convention on Human Rights , the cornerstone of the Council of Europe, in To my knowledge, there is no book or article that tells the story of South African institutions under the National Party. If you know of one, please send me an email at hi nkb.

The Rational Left: Fighting Authoritarianism

A good article on the link between nudism and politics in East Germany: Aufstand der Nackten. I wrote about this in Confronting Authoritarianism. Follow me:. Get my next essay in your inbox. The road to authoritarianism An essay by Nicolas Kayser-Bril.

The Difference Between Federalism, Authoritarianism and Totalitarianism

History offers no protection For some, democratic institutions are safe when the population of a country grew up in a democratic framework. External forces Regime changes rarely happen from within. Legalism and authoritarianism Neither international institutions nor a democratic heritage can protect from authoritarianism. In the ensuing six decades, while many smaller surveys have yielded valuable insights, reliable and representative findings about authoritarianism in the wider public have been scarce. So the lessons we can draw from our items finally take us a step in the right direction, and offer a starting point for further inquiry.

What should we study next? We learned, in our analysis of the election results , that prejudice is strongly associated with authoritarian aggression and modestly associated with submission as measured by survey statements about children.

But many things still remain obscure. And we learned from political psychologists Felicia Pratto and Jim Sidanius that some people with prejudiced and authoritarian attitudes regard themselves, not as defenders of conventional morality, but as cynical, self-aggrandizing winners in a world of also-rans. The latter finding has often been replicated , not least in , when the ANES, at our urging, included four statements testing the sentiments that Pratto-Sidanius discovered.

But those statements were omitted from the survey, and Wild Card attitudes have not yet been tested in any major survey. So many questions remain unanswered, despite recent progress.

Essay about Authoritarianism: Prevail, or Not? - Words | Bartleby

Richard Christie intuited long ago that the intolerant are often belligerent as well—and belligerence, as recent research has shown , spurs actions that differ fundamentally from actions driven by fear. We misunderstand that at our peril. By continuing to use our website, you agree to our privacy and cookie policy.

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Essay on authoritarianism
Essay on authoritarianism
Essay on authoritarianism
Essay on authoritarianism
Essay on authoritarianism
Essay on authoritarianism
Essay on authoritarianism

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